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ETHIOPIA: ABIY’S MISSTEP ON IDPS AND HOW HE CAN FIX IT



Refugees International

Refugees International - Remarkable changes are occurring in Ethiopia. Since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in April, he has welcomed back formerly exiled opposition figures, released political prisoners, ousted a regional leader accused of human rights abuses, and forged a peace deal with Eritrea. On the streets of Addis Ababa, the optimism is palpable.

Yet enormous challenges remain. Among them is the explosion of intercommunal violence. This crisis has forced 1.4 million people to become displaced in 2018, the highest number of new internally-displaced persons (IDPs) in the world. And, unfortunately, the government is making things even worse by pushing for premature returns.


One of the areas most affected is in the south, along the regional border of Oromiya and the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region (SNNPR). When Ethiopia’s political leadership shifted at the federal level earlier this year, long simmering tensions here between the Gedeo people and Guji Oromo group came to a head. 


Between April and June, armed mobs attacked villages, burned houses, and carried out horrific acts of violence. Hundreds of thousands were forced to flee in the first few weeks.
On a positive note, the Ethiopian government is working with the UN and other humanitarian actors to assist those in need. 


From the onset of the crisis, the government established Emergency Operation Centres to coordinate the response and invited UN investigators to document the atrocities.

But on a more worrying note, the government has also been pressuring IDPs to return before their villages are safe or their homes are rebuilt.


In one town in the south, Refugees International encountered hundreds of people being loaded onto open-air trucks. They had been told by government officials that they would no longer receive relief unless they went home.  


Aid organisations were only informed about the returns the day they were taking place and were scrambling to adjust their response.

In several locations where IDPs had been returned, Refugees International found them not at home but living collectively in fields, market depots, and church grounds. Many lacked mattresses or blankets. Some had created makeshift shelters using sticks and cloth.


One group of IDPs said they had not returned to their houses because they did not feel security had been restored. “We prefer to stay together. We feel safer together,” said one. “The ones who burned our houses, the ones who killed our neighbours, have not been brought to justice.” 


Others said that even if they felt safe enough to go back, they had nothing to return to because their homes and businesses had been destroyed.


Three Steps to Change Track

Going forwards, the government under Prime Minister Abiy can take three steps to remedy its response to IDPs – especially as the potential for internal violence remains.


First, it can refrain from carrying out additional premature returns and allow aid organisations to provide assistance in both areas of displacement and areas of return. This way, IDPs who genuinely decide to go home voluntarily can still receive support, while those unwilling to return will not feel compelled to do so.  

Freedom of movement must be prioritised. IDPs who have already been returned must be informed that they can live where they feel most safe and that assistance will be targeted based on need.

Second, the government can establish a clear and transparent plan for voluntary returns. Among other things, the state should survey the perspectives of IDPs on their intentions to return.  


It should organise systematic ‘go-and-see’ visits in which displaced people can assess the conditions back home. And it should work out options for alternatives for those who feel they may never be able to return home.

Third, the government can make sure to work in close coordination with relief organisations. Aid and development agencies need to be informed of potential population movements so they can be in place to support people who choose to return.


Responding to conflict displacement is a challenge that is likely to persist in Ethiopia for the foreseeable future – and the southern border area is by no means the only region experiencing violence. 


Tensions on the outskirts of Addis Ababa caused thousands to flee at the end of September. Earlier this month, 70,000 people were targeted along ethnic lines in the western state of Benishangul-Gumuz.

The new government of Prime Minister Abiy has made impressive strides to open political space and promote human rights. For this, they are to be congratulated. But at the same time, the new government must ensure that IDPs receive the full measure of its protection. 


For all the obstacles and uncertainties facing Abiy’s administration, it is in their control – and interest – to make significant improvements in their response towards displaced Ethiopians.

With border open, Ethiopia and Eritrea are back in business

Eritrean town
In the Eritrean town of Senafe traders are now doing good business. Michael Tewelde, AFP
(Agence France-Presse) - For 2 decades, little besides soldiers, refugees and rebels moved across Ethiopia and Eritrea's closed border, but today the once-barren no man's land teems with activity.

Horse-drawn carts, buses full of visitors and trucks piled high with bricks and plywood make their way across the frontier, watched by relaxed soldiers from the two nations' armies who just months ago stared each other down from trenches carved into the rocky soil.

After 20 years of bloody conflict and grim stalemate, the Ethiopia-Eritrea border is bustling once again, revitalizing frontier towns and allowing the countries' long-estranged populations to reacquaint themselves.

"We have everything we didn't have before, from the smallest to the biggest products," said Abraham Abadi, a merchant in the Eritrean town of Senafe whose shop is now filled with biscuits, drinks and liquor made in Ethiopia.

Yet the border's re-opening has sparked a surge in refugees and also raised concerns over the black market currency trade that some fear will destabilize the economy.

BACK IN BUSINESS
Once a province of Ethiopia, Eritrea voted for independence in 1993 after a bloody, decades-long struggle.

A dispute over the the border plunged the neighbors into war in 1998, leaving tens of thousands dead in two years of fighting.

The conflict continued as a cold war after Ethiopia refused to honor a UN-backed commission verdict demarcating the border, a policy Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed reversed in June.

Flights restarted and embassies re-opened shortly afterwards, and in September, Abiy and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki re-opened the crossing at Zalambessa, an Ethiopian town on a major route into Eritrea.

The opening was transformative for the town, a strip of shops and restaurants damaged in the war and economically paralyzed by the border closure that now bustles with shoppers.

"We're selling sandals and these shida shoes," said trader Ruta Zerai, gesturing to a pile of the open-toed footwear popular with Eritreans.

In Senafe, a trading hub 23 kilometers (14 miles) north of the border, the impact of the rapprochement is clear.

Twice a week, organised groups of Ethiopian merchants cross the border, marked by a bare strip of earth only recently cleared of anti-tank mines, for Senafe's market days.

They bring with them recharge cards for the Ethiopian telecom whose service can be picked up in parts of the town and teff, the once-scarce grain needed to make the staple injera food.

Some even decide to stay.

"I live where I can get a job. As long as I have a job, I'll stay here," Sanle Gebremariam, an Ethiopian currency trader working in Senafe, said at a roadside where buses from both countries congregate.

TROUBLE AHEAD

Ethiopian border
Ruta Zeru sells shoes in the Ethiopian border town of Zalambesa. Michael Tewelde, AFP
Heading in the opposite direction are thousands of Eritrean refugees fleeing the country's repressive government and stagnant economy.

Eritreans, many of whom aim to reach Europe, came across the border when it was closed, but the UN says arrivals in Ethiopia have increased nearly eight-fold since its opening.

Meanwhile, Ethiopian traders are grumbling over the unstable value of the Eritrean nakfa against their birr currency.

"We're trading together, but the exchange rate is unregulated, unstable and illegal," said Taeme Lemlem, a bar owner in Zalambessa, echoing similar complaints, made before the border war, that were never resolved.

Getachew Teklemariam, a consultant and former Ethiopian government adviser, said the unregulated trade at the border, where there appears to be little customs or immigration controls, risks opening a "shadow monetary front".

"The exchange rate is being governed by largely speculative perceptions from both sides of the border," said Getachew. "The overall trade scenario has to be guided by some strategy."

Both countries' governments have said they hope the renewed trade links will boost their economies.

But the neighbors are not equals. Eritrea's economy has underperformed since the war, while Ethiopia has grown at some of Africa's fastest rates, which hasn't escaped the notice of visitors to the country.

"I'm very surprised. I didn't expect this much development," said Simon Kifle, an Eritrean air force serviceman who was hurrying back across the border before its sundown closing after his first visit to Ethiopia.

Clashes kill 20, displace thousands in western Ethiopia

Clashes kill 20, displace thousands in western Ethiopia

Clashes triggered by killing of 2 officials of Benishangul-Gumuz regional state


Anadolu Agency - At least 20 people were killed and 60,000 displaced in ethnic clashes flaring since last week in the western region of Benishangul-Gumuz.


A government official said the clashes occurred in the areas of Kamashi zone.

“The number of the deceased could be much higher because some of the clashes occurred in far-off rural areas,” said Negeri Lencho, communication chief of Oromia state which borders the area of conflict, as quoted by Ethiopian Television in its late night bulletin.


The clashes occurred after two officials of the Benishangul-Gumuz regional state were killed by unidentified gunmen, which government later said were armed men operating in the guise of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

The armed men then roamed around Kamashi zone killing people and destroying property, he said.


Since May, the Benishangul Gumuz region has seen a number of ethnic clashes including one in June in the regional capital Assosa in which more than 10 people were killed.


The region is multi-ethnic and houses the site of Ethiopia’s multibillion-dollar Grand Renaissance Dam on the Nile.